Thursday, February 04, 2010

The Hampshire Daily Gazette interview with WMDC





Advocates keep focus on Darfur: Election, partition may reignite trouble


Bloodshed in Darfur declined in 2009, but for Valley experts and advocates, this is no reason to relax their vigilance.

With a refugee population in the millions, skirmishes still breaking out in western Sudan, two pivotal elections on the horizon, and oil reserves at stake, the situation in Darfur - officially characterized by the U.S. as genocide in 2006 - is far from resolved.

Local Darfur advocates are attempting to bring focus back to the region in the hopes of quashing violence before it flares up again.

There is fear that the April presidential election and an historic 2011 vote that could give oil-rich southern Sudan autonomy could provoke more violence. More than half of the government's revenues are derived from oil fields, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. These oil resources may no longer be available to the government, whose power is concentrated in the north, should the south secede.

"Unfortunately, this is not coming to a close," said Mohamed Elgadi, an activist and former Sudanese political prisoner now living in Amherst. Elgadi is co-founder of the Western Massachusetts Darfur Coalition and the Darfur Alert Coalition in Philadelphia. Elgadi came to America with his wife about 15 years ago.

"It's a very good positive that there is less violence," Elgadi said, "but unfortunately the status quo continues and people cannot go back to their villages."

Darfur slipped from the headlines in 2009 as violence between the allegedly government-backed Arab Muslim north and the militia-supported black Christian south over scarce resources declined.

Yet, violence continues to plague the region.

From January 2008 through July 2009, close to 2,500 people were killed, according to the most recent data from the African Union Panel on Darfur.

Since violence erupted in 2003, hundreds of thousands of Sudanese have been killed and another 2.5 million have fled their villages, opting for life as refugees, according to Amnesty International. Exact figures on injuries, fatalities and people displaced are difficult to verify because Darfur is a restricted area.

"Violence continues and the threat of violence, which is just as important, continues," said Eric Reeves, a Smith College professor who has been analyzing the situation in Darfur for more than a decade.

Reeves has testified several times before Congress, has lectured widely in academic settings, and has served as a consultant to a number of human rights and humanitarian organizations operating in Sudan.

"It doesn't match the ferocious clashes of 2003 and 2004, but that does not mean that significant violence is not occurring," Reeves said.

April may be a tipping point for violence as Sudan holds its first multiparty presidential election in 24 years. President Omar al-Bashir, who has governed the country since orchestrating a military coup in 1999, could be re-elected. Bashir has been charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity by the Hague-based International Criminal Court for allegedly orchestrating a campaign of murder, torture, rape and forced expulsions in the seven-year-old conflict in the western region of Darfur. An appeals panel this week declared that the ICC had enough evidence to charge al-Bashir with genocide, which it declined to do in March.

In 2011, the Sudanese will vote on a referendum that could give the southern Sudan region autonomy.

Reeves said the south's secession is heavily favored, but the government may be unwilling to allow the area autonomy regardless of the vote.

"There will be violence, either pre-emptive or because the results were not upheld by Khartoum," Reeves predicted.

Williamsburg resident Keith Harmon Snow, however, believes the referendum is less about autonomy for the south and more about control of its resources, namely oil. If the south secedes, both the north and the south would have to agree to a new border that could cut the oil-poor north off from a significant revenue stream.

Snow has worked on the Horn of Africa as a consultant on genocide and humanitarian aid for the United Nations, as well as a genocide investigator for Genocide Watch and Survivors Rights International.

"The south has its autonomy already for the most part," said Snow, noting the area has its own government and flag. "The idea that an election will determine the autonomy of the south is another stage in the conquest of Sudan by western powers."

Snow contends the violence and social upheaval in Darfur is a concoction of many different international players who wish to control or overthrow the Sudanese government in an effort to harvest the country's oil and other natural resources.

United Nations peacekeeping troops, which arrived in Sudan in 2007 along with troops from the African Union, serve private corporate interests over humanitarian ones, Snow said. He also does not believe the situation in Darfur is genocide. The number of people killed has been inflated, in some reports up to 450,000, he said, to manipulate well-meaning interests to apply political pressure.

Local action

In anticipation of the elections, Valley sympathizers are working to prevent violence through a campaign of awareness and political pressure.

"We don't know what will happen, the whole country is in chaos," Elgadi said. "No one knows if Sudan will be the same country after all this, but we will know for sure next year."

Reeves, for example, is writing an editorial asking President Obama to make it clear that America will support the outcome of the Sudanese elections. Political pressure of this degree could quash post-election wrangling, he said.

"He has to make the declaration in public that we will support the results of this referendum, no ifs, ands or buts," Reeves said. "If we don't send a clear signal to Khartoum, Bashir will believe it acceptable to resume war or deny the legitimacy of the election."

Reeves said he hopes the article would have the same impact as a piece he wrote for the Washington Post in February 2004, declaring the situation in Darfur genocide and calling for humanitarian aid. The article galvanized public opinion and catapulted Reeves into the center of the Darfur debate.

The Western Massachusetts Darfur Coalition is attempting to follow in Reeves' tracks. The group continues to rally public support by raising awareness of the beleaguered region. Elgadi said the coalition is also reaching out to the two main Sudanese rebel factions, the Justice Equality Movement and the Sudan Liberation Army, calling for them to act responsibly.

Elgadi said these methods are effective. Without grassroots advocacy programs like Western Massachusetts Darfur Coalition, genocide in Darfur would have continued unabated.

"The violence is less thanks to the international grass roots movement, a whole positive thing happened," Elgadi said. "It proves that the pressure on the government of Sudan made some kind of effect."

Wednesday, January 13, 2010

Updating the media on Darfur...


Thanks to your tireless work to make the Darfur issue always present in the media to bring the world attention to this unacceptable crisis...

Last week, the Gazette interviewed 2 of our members on the situation in Darfur and how our WMDC is helping to organize locally around this issue. The Washnigton-based TV network, Al-Hurra, interviewed (in Arabic) mohamed elgadi on the role of international grassroots movement in bringing up the voice of Darfurians in the Camps. This interview was on the Eye on Democracy show that aired twice a week in the Middle East and North Africa.


more info on this to come later

Saturday, October 31, 2009

The New US Policy for Sudan

السياسة الأمريكية الجديدة تجاه السودان
توازن أمريكي أم توازن سوداني؟

إعداد إبراهيم علي إبراهيم المحامي
واشنطن،

بالنظر إلى إستراتيجية إدارة الرئيس أوباما الجديدة تجاه السودان، يتضح أنها تركز على ضرورة تحقيق ثلاثة أهداف رئيسية وهي: وقف الإبادة التي تحدث في إقليم دارفور، وتنفيذ اتفاقية السلام الشامل بين الشمال والجنوب، وضمان ألا يصبح السودان ملاذاً آمناً للإرهابيين الدوليين.

وُصفت هذه السياسة بأنها شاملة ومتزنة تجمع بين الخشونة والمرونة، حيث وعدت السودان ببعض الحوافز التي لم يعلن عنها للمساعدة على إحراز تقدم في كافة القضايا الرئيسية، وفي الوقت نفسه تهدد بعقوبات أكثر صرامة إذا فشل في العمل على تحقيق سلام طويل الأمد. وقد أوضح أوباما أن السودان لن يتلقى أي حوافز خارجية إلا بعد أن يٌحرز تقدماً في كافة القضايا الرئيسية، كما أعلن إنه ينوي تجديد العقوبات القائمة ضد السودان.

بقراءة تحليلية يتضح أن الهدف الأساسي للسياسة الأمريكية الجديدة بشأن السودان هو إعادة تسليط الأضواء على الصراع بين الشمال والجنوب وتركيز الاهتمام بتنفيذ ما تبقى من اتفاقية السلام الشامل (نيفاشا). وهذا نتاج طبيعي للقلق الذي كان ولا زال يساور المسئولين الأمريكيين من أن أتفاق السلام الذي أنهى الحرب الأهلية بين الشمال والجنوب عام 2005 يتعرض للإهمال، وبحاجة إلى إصلاح ومتابعة ومراقبة دقيقة لضمان تنفيذه إلى آخر بند وهو الانتخابات والاستفتاء، وان تركيز الأضواء على مشاكل السودان الأخرى خاصة دارفور قد يضر بهذا الانجاز الأمريكي، ويعرض البلاد مرة أخرى للحرب والفوضى.

هذه الأولوية التي حظي بها اتفاق السلام تؤكد أن إستراتيجية الإدارة الأمريكية تعمل على معالجة كل موضوع في وقته والانتهاء منه check list ، قبل الانتقال للآخر، وهذا يثير المخاوف التي ذكرتها سابقاً من أن هذه الإستراتيجية قد تؤدي إلى "تجميد" قضية دارفور لبعض الوقت لحين الانتهاء من حق تقرير المصير والاستفتاء.

كذلك يلاحظ أن الإستراتيجية الجديدة أعطت أولوية قصوى لموضوع الاستفتاء، حيث قالت أن الهدف يتلخص في قيام دولة موحدة سلمية، أو ينفصل السودان إلى دولتين تعيشان في سلام جنباً إلى جنب. والتزمت الولايات المتحدة بتقديم العون الفني والسياسي، وحثت الأطراف على الاتفاق على قانون الاستفتاء، وقبول نتيجته، والاتفاق على ترتيبات ما بعده لاقتسام الثروة بعد الانفصال إذا تم. كما طلبت من السودان إجراء إصلاحات قانونية لخلق مناخ ملائم للانتخابات النزيهة والاستفتاء.

فيما يتعلق بمجهودات السلام بدارفور دعت السياسة الجديدة لإيجاد حل متفاوض عليه للنزاع في دارفور، وذلك عبر الحوارات التي سيقوم بها المبعوث الخاص مع الحركات المسلحة والحكومة ودول الجوار. وأكدت على أن الولايات المتحدة ستدعم اتفاقية سلام تعالج جذور المشكلة بالبناء على مجهودات دولة قطر لمفاوضات السلام، وتقديم الدعم المباشر للوسيط المشترك لدارفور، وتشجيع المشاركة الواسعة، بواسطة كل ممثلي المجتمع المدني المتنوع والمتعدد في عملية السلام. كما أكدت على أنها ستعمل على تجديد التزام الأطراف بإعلان المبادئ الموقع سنة 2005 الذي يلزم جميع الأطراف والحركات الكبرى للبحث عن حل سلمي للنزاع في دارفور والالتزام باتفاقية وقف إطلاق النار لسنة 2004، وستبحث مع الشركاء على اتفاق لوقف العدائيات.

ومن النقاط المثيرة للاهتمام في طريقة المعالجة الأمريكية لقضية دارفور، هي دعوتها لإعادة تأسيس وتوسيع وتقوية التحالف الدولي الذي ساعد في الوصول إلى اتفاقية السلام الشامل(نيفاشا) للعمل على تحويل الاهتمام الدولي بدارفور إلى التزامات جماعية، للمساعدة في تحقيق السلام وتطوير الأمن والعدالة والتنمية.

وهذا في حد ذاته سيشكل نقلة نوعية جديدة في طريقة التفاوض وربما آلياته، حيث ترشح منظمة الايقاد والشركاء الدوليين للعب دور جديد في مفاوضات دارفور، مما يفرض على الجميع- الوساطة بقطر، والحكومة السودانية، والحركات المسلحة- إعادة وتوثيق الاتصال بشركاء الإيقاد ومجموعة الترويكا الدولية (أمريكا بريطانيا النرويج) وغيرهم من الشركاء الدوليين الذين ساهموا في صياغة نيفاشا وانجازها لتنسيق المواقف. كذلك يشكل هذا تحدياً واضحاً للتحالفات القائمة حالياً التي تدعم قضية دارفور داخل الولايات المتحدة، حيث يطلب منها صراحة أن تكون داعمة لعملية السلام وان تكون مساهمة فيها. وإذا صدق تنفيذ البند أعلاه، فهناك احتمال لأتباع نفس الأسلوب الذي اتبع في التفاوض بين الأطراف، وربما أتباع نفس الوصفة والتسوية الدستورية التي تمت في نيفاشا.

يتضح من هذا إن التوازن الذي قصدت أن تظهر به السياسة الجديدة، ليس توازناً في طريقة تناولها للقضايا السودانية وترتيبها من حيث الأهمية، وإنما توازناً لأطراف الصراع داخل الإدارة الأمريكية نفسها. فأخذت السياسة الجديدة أجزاء من إستراتيجية الجنرال غريشن مثل دعوته لتطبيع العلاقات مع الخرطوم؛ و دعوته إلى الاهتمام باتفاق السلام بين الشمال والجنوب، والتقارب مع الحكومة بدلاً من فرض العزلة عليها. ومن جهة أخرى عملت على إرضاء المتشددين في الإدارة ( هيلاري كلينتون وسوزان رايس) وفي الكونجرس (مجموعة كوكس السودان- فرانك وولف، دونالد بين، والسيناتور فاينغولد) ونشطاء تحالف إنقاذ دارفور وحلفائهم (جيري فولر وجون برندر غاست) حيث نصت على وجود "حرب إبادة" واحتوت على عقوبات لم يفصح عنها حتى الآن.

وأكدت السياسة الجديدة على أن الجنرال غريشن هو الشخص المسئول عن تنفيذها، وسيكون له الصوت الأعلى في متابعتها، رغم الاعتراضات التي ظهرت ضده مؤخرا. وهذا يؤكد أن النزاع بينه وبين وزارة الخارجية قد حسم لصالحه، وان مكتبه رغم وجوده في الوزارة إلا انه يتمتع باستقلال تام في إدارته واتخاذ القرارات الإستراتيجية الخاصة بتنفيذ هذه السياسة، مما يضع أهمية كبرى للتعامل معه من قبل كافة الأطراف، حتى تلك التي لا تحبه.

أعادت السياسة الجديدة إلى الأضواء مرة أخرى موضوع التعاون مع السودان في موضوع محاربة الإرهاب والاستخبارات المتعلقة به، وشددت على أنه موضوع ذو قيمة لها، ولكنها حذرت الخرطوم من استخدامه للمساومة. ولا يزال مكتب المخابرات السودانية مفتوحاً في فرجينيا ويشكل ارتباطاً بين أجهزة المخابرات بين الدولتين ويرأسه العقيد محمد سليمان. و يجب ألا ننسى أن الإدارة الأمريكية تبني وتشيد اكبر سفارة لها الآن في إفريقيا، كل هذا يرجح من احتمال رغبة الإدارة الأمريكية في الإسراع بالتعاون مع السودان إلى مراحل متقدمة إذا قدمت حكومة السودان تنازلات واضحة في المجالات التي ذكرتها الإستراتيجية.

Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Darfur Alert Org on the Obama New Policy for Sudan

photo source: www.genocide.change.org

Read here more on the new Obama Admin for Darfur:

Darfur Leaders Network
wwww.darfurleadersnetwork.org
Press Release
Contact: Ibrahim Hamid
New Sudan Policy Welcome, Stronger Implementation Plan Needed
October 19, 2009
Darfur Leaders Network (DLN) commends Obama administration for unveiling the long awaited policy review on Sudan and for developing a clear statement of U.S. policy in support of a sustainable peace in Sudan. DLN welcomes the renewal of sanctions on the Government of Sudan (GoS) for its actions in Darfur, the emphasis on accountability for genocide and its assertion’s that counter-terrorism cooperation should not trump other U.S. policy priorities and cannot be used as “..a bargaining chip to evade (GoS) responsibilities in Darfur. DLN also applauds the administration commitment to support the UNAMID and the strategy of multilateral path and durable solution to the conflict in Darfur and the inclusion of all segments of Darfuri society to address the root causes of the conflict – including political representation and development – as well as compensation for survivors and reconciliation. DLN as a representative of Darfuri Diaspora in the U.S. welcomes any constructive engagement in implementing the strategy of durable solutions to Darfur conflict.

However, DLN remains cautious as the new policy falls short of dealing with the larger question of humanitarian, security and justice issues. The policy lacks clear implementation guidelines to address the government of Sudan’s new offensive in Darfur, and the problems of humanitarian access to meet the needs of displaced people and their safe return. Over the past six years more than three million people remain displaced from their homes and living in camps suffering difficult conditions. To date no single Sudanese official or janjaweed leader was brought to justice for orchestrating what the administration itself called genocide and no efforts have been made to disarm the janjaweed militias.
Darfurians believe that sustainable peace in Darfur is not just drafting a sound policy but it requires meaningful implementations. The Administration’s special envoy diplomatic efforts to date have led Darfurians to question whether the new policy, as unveiled today, will be fully implemented and real retroactive pressure will be imposed on GoS to meet its existing contractual commitments.

Tuesday, September 29, 2009

South Africa will Arrest Albashir!

source: www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article32593

South Africa president warns Sudan’s Bashir of arrest

September 27, 2009 (WASHINGTON) — The president of South Africa Jacob Zuma affirmed his country’s position over the arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) last March.
Speaking to CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, the South African president said that "as a signatory of this particular agreement [the ICC Statute] we said that once he has been arrested [in South Africa by judiciary], we could not stop the arrest of Bashir. That is the position we made”.

Asked by Amanpour whether he sticks to his earlier statements that if Bashir “was to ever set foot inside your [South Africa] country you would order him arrested”, Zuma replied “that is correct”.

Read more www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article32593

Monday, September 07, 2009

New Article on US Policy in Darfur

source: http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/were-darfur-promises-real
Were Darfur Promises for Real?
Posted by Enough Team on Sep 02, 2009

This post by award-winning author Dave Eggers and Enough Co-founder John Prendergast originally appeared on CNN.com.
We have been part of an extraordinary social phenomenon over the past four years surrounding Darfur: the development of a genuine anti-genocide people's movement. It's succeeded in cultivating a number of true champions in the political sphere, led by three former senators: Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden and Barack Obama.

Now that Obama, Biden and Clinton are in office, and another fierce anti-genocide advocate, Susan Rice, is in as ambassador to the United Nations, we felt there finally would be a consequence for the perpetrators of the genocide, the regime officials in Khartoum, Sudan.
But rather than the kind of tough actions the these top officials had all advocated in their previous jobs and on the campaign trail, President Obama's Sudan envoy instead began to articulate a friendly, incentives-first message that even Sudan's president, an indicted war criminal, publicly welcomed. Our chins hit the floor in disbelief, because our chins had nowhere else to go.
The administration is preparing to announce the results of its Sudan policy review soon, but the policy direction has already been set, and it is of urgent concern. There is no clear decision for the U.S. to take the lead in revitalizing a peace process for Darfur, or to create real costs for non-implementation of the existing North-South peace deal.

But this isn't just a debate about policy towards one country. President Obama, like President Bush before him, has called Darfur an ongoing genocide. So the policy that will be unveiled soon on Sudan will have global ramifications, because it will be the president's first chance to articulate his policy on responding to genocide.

To read the rest of the post, click here.

Wednesday, August 05, 2009

Obama Admin: New Policy for Darfur?

From Los Angelos Times
http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-sudan4-2009aug04,0,4655493.story
U.S. reshaping Darfur policy
The Obama administration is working on a new approach that may soften some sanctions against the Sudan government, which is implicated in the killing and displacement of tens of thousands.
By Peter Wallsten and Edmund Sanders
August 4, 2009

Reporting from Washington and Nairobi, Kenya -- After years of worldwide outrage over suffering in Darfur, the Obama administration will soon launch a new policy that could soften some longtime U.S. sanctions against the Sudanese government implicated in the large-scale killings and displacement of African tribespeople.White House officials say that specific conditions would have to be met before sanctions would be lifted, and that Sudan could face even tougher sanctions if its leaders act in bad faith. But President Obama's handpicked envoy to Sudan, J. Scott Gration, said in an interview Monday that the Khartoum government, which expelled humanitarian groups this year after an international court accused Sudan's president of war crimes in Darfur, has shown a willingness to work toward stabilizing Darfur in order to allow aid to be delivered.
"We see that there is a spirit of cooperation and an attitude of wanting to help," Gration said.The American envoy acknowledged that lifting sanctions could help bolster the Sudanese government, but he said the new policy would be prudent and cautious."There's ways that we can roll back these sanctions in a way that allows us to lift the restrictions we need, such that the government continues to be sanctioned and military equipment continues to be sanctioned," he said.

The new approach has sparked fierce debate among Obama's advisors and is causing consternation among some of his strongest supporters, who had expected the president to toughen U.S. policy toward a government that he had sharply criticized as untrustworthy during last year's presidential campaign.Broad restrictions were enacted by the Clinton administration 12 years ago against the Islamist-led regime in response to Khartoum's alleged harboring of terrorists such as Osama bin Laden in the 1990s and to the oppression of Christians and other minorities as part of Sudan's civil war.U.S. foreign aid and almost all commercial ties are severely restricted.Even floating the idea of lifting some sanctions -- something the Bush administration also contemplated -- is politically controversial.Darfur has for years unified an unusual and vocal coalition of Hollywood stars, human rights activists, African Americans and evangelicals. As candidates last year, Obama, Vice President and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton all vowed to maintain a hard line with Khartoum.Obama's United Nations ambassador, Susan Rice, who as an advisor to the Clinton administration helped draft the sanctions, has argued for a tougher stance, declaring that genocide continues in Darfur.Supporters of the more cooperative approach, such as Gration, argue that deaths have declined in Darfur and that U.S. sanctions are hurting efforts to build roads and other projects in southern Sudan that need to be in place by 2011. That is the year the region is expected to vote to secede from the country in a referendum that is a key component of a 2005 U.S.-brokered peace treaty that ended Sudan's 21-year civil war.Gration cited as evidence of Khartoum's new cooperation the government's willingness to ease its stance against several international humanitarian organizations that had been forced to leave the country and accused of spying after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for President Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir in March.

Nearly a dozen aid groups were kicked out, but now several others have been granted entry -- though critics note that the initial banning has hampered delivery of aid.The new White House policy is not likely to be announced for several weeks, but in interviews and congressional testimony, administration officials have begun to sketch it out.They say the new policy would not contradict the president's campaign promises -- and would result in tougher restrictions if Khartoum failed to adhere to promises.A White House official, speaking on condition of anonymity while discussing internal policy deliberations, said any possible incentives would be presented as part of a package to entice the Sudanese regime to bring peace to Darfur and abide by the terms of the 2005 peace accord.

The International Criminal Court estimates that about 35,000 people have been killed by government troops and allied militias in the six-year war in Darfur against rebellious tribes. At least 100,000 more have died from disease and starvation, the ICC says.The Obama policy will outline "what sort of steps we'd be prepared to take that would be attractive to the government of Sudan in response to changed conditions on the ground," the White House official said.The official said the new approach would be contingent upon concrete action by the Khartoum regime to stabilize security nationwide and end the humanitarian crisis in Darfur.